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He refused, and did not tell the court what eventually happened to his friend. Instead, he described this incident as an example of the lack of control the civil authorities exercised over the military and police who ran the camps. He was giving evidence in defence of Dr Milomir Stakic, who is on trial accused of responsibility for the genocide of non-Serbs in the north-west Prijedor region.
Marjanovic told The Hague that the army and police had taken over his mine in the summer of Stakic was the chief of Prijedor Crisis staff — an ad hoc Serb local government at that time. I guessed nothing good was going on inside Omarska. But there was nothing I could do," he claimed.
During the cross-examination, prosecutors tried to prove that the mine director helped the army and police not only with personnel, but also with heavy mechanisation and transport for the detainees and the dead. After the camp closed in August , the bodies were dug out and transported to a mass grave at Jakarinska kosa. But Marjanovic said the army had commandeered most of his vehicles and explosives, and that he had no idea what they had done with them.
Prosecutors then played a video recording of Marjanovic's talk with a reporter from Prijedor — made at the beginning of summer of But the witness claimed that when he had talked about such cooperation, he was referring to only one task, the repair of army transport vehicles. Activists warn that vulnerable domestic workers risk abuse, often returning with serious health conditions. Commitment, sacrifice and luck secured a vital early win in the south-eastern campaign, but can Ukrainian forces press on?
