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Why does it matter? If they remain outside peace talks, they could undermine negotiations with other groups or capitalise on their demobilisation. What should be done? In parallel, the police and military should continue operations to protect civilians and press the group toward talks. The consequences are far-reaching. Petro had hoped talks with the Gaitanistas could rein them in, but his administration has struggled to get negotiations going.
Authorities should craft a strategy to coax the Gaitanistas into talks aimed at immediately reducing violence against civilians and ultimately disarming as much of the group as possible, all the while putting pressure on the group through continuing military and police operations. No other armed group is likely to contemplate laying down its arms for the duration while the Gaitanistas are poised to grab their former lands and businesses. Founded in , they amalgamated former right-wing paramilitary commanders with veterans of leftist guerrilla movements.
The result is an organisation that harbours a will to expand in the style of former paramilitaries while applying the local discipline typical of a guerrilla movement. But the group also operates with the precision of a multinational company.
It is structured like a conventional army but also hires civilians to perform roles such as bookkeeping and political organising. Yet rather than relying exclusively on any one illicit business, the Gaitanistas have honed the ability to monetise territorial control — above all near the Atlantic coast, a key transit point in the cocaine trade. They tax drug traffickers but also multinational mining firms. Just as they regulate economic activity to their benefit, the Gaitanistas have increasingly sought to recast communities and local government in their image.
