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A generation later, this is less and less the case. Many of the most articulate and thoughtful Russians and Ukrainians, those of middle age who knew the realities of Soviet life and later prospered in the post-Soviet world, have moved abroad, gone into a small business or been intimidated: in any case they have been taken out of the political arena. The truth is that Russia and Ukraine have been reunited for a long time, in a corrupt mosaic dominated by Moscow.
He established a patriarchal-oligarchic police state in Russia; the now universally despised Ukrainian president-in-exile, Viktor Yanukovich, was well on his way to establishing one in Ukraine; the leaders of Belarus and the Central Asian republics have established similar repressive polities. The revolution on Maidan Nezalezhnosti — Independence Square in Ukrainian — is the closest yet to a script for his own downfall.
In that sense the invasion is a counter-revolution by Putin and his government against Russians and Ukrainians alike — against East Slav resistance as a whole. In the week I spent in Kiev in the immediate aftermath of the revolt I met no one who objected to my speaking Russian. In one of the sagging khaki tents pitched on the square I met Vladimir Malyshev, a year-old from St Petersburg, who came to the city to join the demonstrations late last year after a period spent in the anti-Putin movement in Russia.
My experience here confirmed that this was possible. It happened. He drew an analogy from the social media discourse that played such an important part in this, as in so many other recent revolutions.
